Over the past decades, donors, aid agencies, consultants and enumerators have conducted increasing amounts of aid-related research in the form of monitoring, assessments and surveys in Somalia. The rise of third-party monitoring (TPMs), new technologies and the arrival of global consultancy firms have not only led to an internationalised and professionalised market for aid information but also introduced new power dynamics in the production of aid knowledge. The way in which aid data in Somalia/Somaliland is produced reflects prevailing stereotypes about the supposedly superior value of ‘Western’ expertise over local knowledge. This brief raises important questions about the production and ownership of aid- related knowledge in the Somali territories where, due to weak state institutions, data collection is unregulated, and often de facto privatised. Moreover, the insufficient uptake of aid information by aid agencies, the governments and the public gives pause for thought. As Somali government institutions are strengthening, there is an urgent need to localise knowledge production in Somalia and to make aid information and data available to the public. There is also a need to strengthen data protection and research ethics and to rethink some of the extractive and negative impacts of the current aid information business.
On 29 December 2020, the Somali Federal Parliament (two days after its constitutional mandate ended on 27 December) approved the 2021 federal government budget. The total budget appropriated for the 2021 fiscal year is $671 million. This is a significant $195 million increase from last year’s $476 million, which itself was a $132 million increase of 2019’s $344 million fiscal budget. Read more
Somalia is heading into another indirect election in 2020-21. It is a familiar process and one that was undertaken almost four years ago. Many lessons can be learned from the 2016 indirect electoral implementation process. In 2016, candidates for the House of the People of Somali Federal Parliament covered some important logistics, travel and accommodation costs for the electoral delegates (which in part is believed to have helped them get elected); there was no scheduled time for meetings between candidates and the voting delegates; and the date and time for voting of each seat of the House of the People was unilaterally decided by the state election implementation teams. In 2016, the proportion of women in parliament was increased from 14% to 24%, which was a significant increase. This was one of the positives of the 2016 indirect elections and similar efforts could be made this time around to raise this to the 30% female quota target. This brief analyses the implementation process of the 2016 indirect elections and concludes with policy considerations. These include: prohibiting candidates to handpick electoral delegates; providing the necessary logistical and accommodation support to the delegates on time; arranging a formal campaign schedule for voters and candidates; publishing the election schedule for each seat of the House of the People in advance; allowing the media and election observers to be present during the voting, and monitoring and reporting irregularities and fraudulent practices throughout the election process.
Soomaaliya waxa ay galeysaa doorasho dadban mar labaad sanadka 2020-21. Waa hannaan la yaqaanno oo la qabtay ku dhowaad afar sano kahor. Casharro badan ayaa laga baran karaa geeddi-socodkii hirgelinta doorashooyinkii dadbanaa ee 2016. Sanadkii 2016, qaar kamid ah musharraxiinta Golaha Shacabka ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa bixiyey kharashaadka saadka sida safarka iyo hoyga loogu talagalay ergooyinka doorashada (taasoo qeyb ahaan la rumeysan yahay inay ka caawisay doorashadooda); ma jirin wakhti loo qorsheeyey kulamada musharraxiinta iyo ergooyinka; taariikhda iyo wakhtiga loo codeynayo kursi kasta oo kamid ah Golaha Shacabka waxaa go’aamiyay hal dhinac oo ah kooxaha fulinaya doorashooyinka. Sanadkii 2016, qoondada haweenka ee baarlamaanka ayaa oo markii hore ahaa 14% ayaa laga dhigay 24%, taasoo ahayd koror aad u weyn. Tani waxa ay ahayd mid kamid ah waxyaabihii wanaagsanaa ee kasoo baxay doorashadii dadbanayd ee 2016; dadaallada noocan oo kale ah ayaa sidoo kale la samayn karaa markan si sare loogu qaado saamiga lana gaarsiiyo hiigsiga qoondada haweenka ee ah 30%. Faalladan kooban waxaa uu falanqeynayaa hannaankii hirgelinta doorashooyinkii dadbanaa ee 2016, waxaana uu soo jeedinayaa talooyin tixgelin mudan oo ay kamid yihiin: ka mamnuucidda musharixiinta in ay gacan ku yeeshaan xulista ergooyinka doorashada; in wakhtigeeda lagu bixiyo saadka loo baahan yahay iyo hoyga ergada; diyaarinta jadwalka ololaha rasmiga ah ee cod-bixiyeyaasha iyo musharraxiinta; daabacaadda jadwalka doorashada ee kursi kasta xilli hore; u oggolaanshaha warbaahinta iyo kormeerayaasha doorashada in ay goobjoog ka ahaadaan xilliga cod-bixinta, iyo la socoshada iyo soo gudbinta khaladaadka inta lagu guda jiro hannaanka doorashada.
This October, the constitutional 4-year mandate of both Hirshabelle’s parliament and president ends. After their selection by clan elders, the Hirshabelle parliament was sworn in on 9th October 2016. The legislative assembly elected its speaker and deputy speakers on 13th October and later its president Ali Abdullahi Osoble and vice president Ali Abdullahi Hussein (Guudlaawe) on 17 October 2016. The winner, Ali Abdullahi Osoble, (61 votes of 98 legislators) defeated his challenger, Mohamed Abdi Waare, who received 36 votes. Read more
Somalia’s federal and state leaders are currently in Dhusamareb discussing the upcoming 2020-21 federal elections. Dubbed Dhusamareb II, the President and Prime Minister of the Federal Government and presidents of Puntland, Jubaland, South West, Galmudug and Hirshabelle have held closed-door meetings on modalities of the election for a number of days. The Benadir governor is not attending the meeting. There are many delegates accompanying the federal and state leaders, but the deliberation is exclusive to the seven leaders. Read more
The findings of the radio discussions reveal that there were a number of things that went wrong in the 2019 flood response. First, there was no reliable data on the number of people displaced by the flooding, and where the locations from and to which they were displaced. This led to the irregular distribution of emergency relief. Second, some local committees and individuals responsible for the distribution of the majority of the emergency relief that people experienced used clan criteria for the selection of beneficiaries, which excluded important segments of the society such as the IDPs, people with disabilities, and women. Third, there was disorganization among the multiple actors who were distributing aid. As a result, some families and individuals received food and cash several times while others did not receive any relief. Fourth, there was a lack of awareness among both local people and volunteer responders of the physical risks presented by the flooded terrain. As a result, some people died in the water. Finally, there were no institutions or mechanisms formed before the flooding to handle the response. This led to disorganized multiple actors distributing aid based on the criteria they set themselves or directed by the groups that sent the assistance.
Somalia adopted a federal system of governance in 2004, although the formation of regional states only began in 2013. Four states have been formed under the auspices of the provisional constitution, in which the separation of executive powers and responsibilities between the different tiers of government remains unclear. Amidst this state of constitutional ambiguity, power struggles between the federal government and regional states have been – and remain – persistent. The constitutional review commissions reviewed the power-sharing options and presented scenarios to the parliament in 2016, but they have yet to be adopted and offer only a limited solution. In response to this protracted absence of a clarified governance structure, this brief presents new options to distribute powers and responsibilities to the different levels of government.
Soomaaliya waxa ay qaadatay nidaam federaal sanadkii 2004, balse dhismaha maamul goboleedyadu waxa ay bilowdeen 2013. Afar maamul goboleed ayaa la dhisay iyadoo dastuurka kumeelgaarka ah aanu si wanaagsan u kala saareynin awoodaha fulinta ee heerarka kala duwan ee dowladdu leeyihiin. Maadaama dastuurku aanu kala caddeyn awoodaha, hardanka awoodeed ee u dhexeeya dowladda federaalka iyo maamul goboleedyada waxa uu ahaa welina yahay mid joogto ah. Guddiyada dib-u-eegista dastuurka waxa ay dib-u-eegis ku sameeyeen awood qeybsiga waxana ay talooyin u gudbiyeen baarlamaanka sanadkii 2016, laakiin talooyinkoodii weli lama qaadanin. Maadaama hannaanka awood qeybsigu aanu caddeyn, warbixintan waxa ay soo jeedineynaa talooyin cusub ee la xiriira sida awoodaha iyo masuuliyadaha loogu qeybin karo heerarka kala duwan ee dowladda.
In October 2018, the Ministry of Education, Culture and Higher Education of the Federal Government of Somalia took over the management of 24 public schools in Mogadishu. The government recruited and directly pays teachers and no tuition fee is collected from students at all grades (1-12). The 24 schools are the first federal government-run schools in Somalia since the state collapse in 1991. This governance brief is based on school visits and interviews with different stakeholders in Mogadishu. It examines students, teachers, payment processes, curriculum, and the challenges schools face. It concludes with policy options and recommendations.
Bishii Oktoobar 2018, Wasaaradda Waxbarashada, Hiddaha iyo Tacliinta Sare ee Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa la wareegtay maamulidda 24 iskuul dowladeed oo ku yaalla magaalada Muqdishu. Dowladda ayaa shaqaaleysiisay si toos ahna mushaar u siisa macalimiinta iskuullada, ardayda heerarkooda kala duwanna (1-12) wax lacag ah lagama qaado. 24-ka iskuul ayaa ah dugsiyadii ugu horreeyay oo ay dowladda federaalka ah maamusho tan iyo markii ay dowladdii dhexe burburtay sanadkii 1991-dii. Faalladan kooban waxa ay ku saleysan tahay booqasho lagu tagay iskuullada iyo wareysiyo lala yeeshay daneeyeyaal kala duwan ee dugsiyada dowladda. Waxa ay taxliilineysaa ardayda, macallimiinta, mushaar bixinta, manhajka, iyo caqabadaha heysta iskuullada. Waxa ay qormada kusoo gunaanadeysaa talooyin tixgelin mudan.
On the last day of December 2018, the Somali Federal Parliament’s House of the People approved the 2019 federal government budget prepared by the Ministry of Finance. The total budget appropriated for the 2019 fiscal year is $344 million. This is a $70 million increase on last year’s $274 million fiscal budget. It is significant compared to past increases: the 2018 budget was only $14 million higher than 2017’s $260 million budget. Read more
Somalia’s federal and regional leaders have been in intense political friction recently. At the peak of these tensions, the regional presidents and their aides – who met in Kismayo in early September 2018 – decided to suspend their relationship with the federal government until their concerns were negotiated and addressed via the mediation of a third party. The regional presidents justified this position by citing a number of political and security concerns with the government in Mogadishu. Read more