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Falanqeyn Doorashooyinka Soomaaliya iyo Heshiiska Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran

Podcast-ga waxaa marti ku ah Maxamed Cabdirisaq. Maxamed Cabdirisaaq waa wasiirkii hore ee Arrimaha Dibadda Soomaaliya. Muddo dheer ayuu kasoo shaqeeyay  arrimaha dimoqraadiyeynta Soomaaliya iyo geeska Afrika.

Podcast-gan waxa ay Mahad Waasuge iyo Maxamed Cabdirisaaq ku falanqeynayaan doorashooyinka Soomaaliya iyo heshiiskii uu dhawaan gaaray Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran.

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WAREYSI: Hufnaanta Doorashada Soomaaliya

Agaasimaha Somali Public Agenda Mahad Waasuge ayaa wareysi uu siiyay VOA Somali uga hadlay hufnaanta doorashada iyo waxa iska beddeli karo hannaanka doorashada kadib markii uu Raysal Wasaaraha xilka ka qaaday 7 xubnood oo ka tirsanaa Guddiga Xallinta Khilaafaadka Doorashada.

Wareysiga oo dhameystiran halkan ka dhageyso.

Lessons from Somalia’s 2021 Upper House Elections

After about three and half months, the election of the Upper House’s 54 members has been completed. However, the electoral process has not been undertaken without flaws. It empowered the presidents of Federal Member States (FMS) to submit a list of candidates for each Senate seat elected in their respective constituencies to the state legislators (and electoral constituency of 46 in the case of Somaliland representatives). For the majority of seats, FMS presidents had complete control over the candidate list and election process, and many candidates were purposefully omitted from the list. Affiliation with a political camp also played a significant role in the outcome of the election. However, women received nearly 26% of votes in the Upper House elections, which was a positive result. This brief examines how the Upper House’s 54 members were elected, as well as the critical lessons that can be learned from this and be applied to the upcoming election of the House of the People’s 275 members.

Download the full governance brief

Kadib ku dhawaad muddo afar bil iyo bar ah, doorashada 54-ta xubnood ee Aqalka Sare ayaa lasoo dhammeystiray. Hase ahaatee, hannaanka doorashadda kama marneyn cillado. Waxa uu hannanaka doorashada awood siiyay madaxda Dowlad-Goboleedyada, kuwaasoo baarlamaanka gudbinayay liiska musharraxiinta ku tartamayay kursi walba oo Aqalka Sare kamid ah, kadibna ay kala dooranayeen baarlamaannada dolwad- goboleedyada (Soomaaliland booska baarlamanka waxaa ugu jiray 46 xubnood). Inta badan kuraasta, liiska musharraxiinta iyo hannaanka doorashadda waxaa si buuxda gacanta ugu hayay madaxweynayaasha dowlad-goboleedyada, taasoo sababtay musharraxiin badan in si kutalagal ah looga reebay liiska doorashadda. Waxaa sidoo kale kaalin weyn ku lahaa natiijada doorashadda musharraxiinta xiriirka ay la lahaayeen kooxaha siyaasadda isku haya. Sidaas oo ay tahay, haweenka waxa ay heleen ku dhowaad 26% xubnihii la doortay doorashooyinka Aqalka Sare, taasoo ah natiijo togan. Faalladan koban waxa aan ku eegeynaa sida xubnaha Aqalka Sare ee 54-ta ah loo doortay, sidoo kale casharadda muhiimka ah ee laga baran karo doorshadan iyo sida loogu dabaqi karo doorashada soo aaddan ee Golaha Shacabka oo ka kooban 275 xubnood.

Soo rogo warbixinta oo dhameystiran

Faaqidaadda Toddobaadka: Heshiiska Farmaajo iyo Rooble

Agaasime Kuxigeenka Somali Public Agenda Farxaan Isxaaq Yuusuf ayaa kamid ahaa martida barnaamijka Faaqidaadda Toddobaadka ee VOA Somali oo lagu falanqeeyay heshiiska ay gaareey Madaxweyne Farmaajo iyo Raysal Wasaare Rooble iyo saameynta uu u yeelan karo geeddi-socodka doorashada.

Halkan ka dhageyso barnaamijka oo dhameystiran.

Fiscal Federalism in Somalia: Constitutional Ambiguity, Political Economy and Options for a Workable Arrangement

Somalia adopted a federal system in 2004 when the Transitional Federal Charter was adopted in Kenya. Since then, it has evolved into a provisional constitution, which was temporarily approved by the over 800-member constitutional assembly in Mogadishu in 2012. The devolution of power has exposed Somalia to recurrent disputes between the FGS and its constituent units over power and resource distribution. At the heart of a bitter and draining schism and bone of contention between the levels of government is fiscal federalism. This results from ambiguity inherent in the Somalia Provisional Constitution over this and other crucial matters. As this problem grows, this study sheds light on the state of fiscal federalism in Somalia, and the challenges that stand in the way of a workable agreement. However, it also proposes practical models and recommendations in resolving the existing disputes over fiscal federalism.

Download the full report here

Somalia’s Electoral Conundrum: An Alternative to the Mogadishu Model

This commentary explains the current impasse around elections in Somalia and proposes a potential alternative to the indirect elections of the September 17 ‘Mogadishu Model’ (which now appears unworkable). This alternative involves the extension of the Somali Parliament’s mandate for 2 years and the election of new speakers. These speakers would organize a parliamentary election of a President for a 2-year mandate. The president would then put together an inclusive government of national unity. This government would be tasked with organizing direct elections in Somalia after 2 years, in which the president elected by the Parliament would not be able to stand as a candidate. This is an unusual and innovative model which – inevitably – has its own limitations. Nevertheless, this commentary argues that the current electoral stalemate and extraordinary political circumstances require the consideration of such options. Read more

Youth inclusion and participation in Somali politics: challenges and opportunities

Somalia is a youthful country with a high fertility rate. Approximately 70% of the population is under the age of 30, and more than 60% of the population is under the age of 25. With this huge youth population, young people at working age suffer from the impacts of a high unemployment rate, which is estimated to stand at 60%; one of the highest in the world. Read more

What Lessons can be Learned from Somalia’s 2016 Indirect Elections?

Somalia is heading into another indirect election in 2020-21. It is a familiar process and one that was undertaken almost four years ago. Many lessons can be learned from the 2016 indirect electoral implementation process. In 2016, candidates for the House of the People of Somali Federal Parliament covered some important logistics, travel and accommodation costs for the electoral delegates (which in part is believed to have helped them get elected); there was no scheduled time for meetings between candidates and the voting delegates; and the date and time for voting of each seat of the House of the People was unilaterally decided by the state election implementation teams. In 2016, the proportion of women in parliament was increased from 14% to 24%, which was a significant increase. This was one of the positives of the 2016 indirect elections and similar efforts could be made this time around to raise this to the 30% female quota target. This brief analyses the implementation process of the 2016 indirect elections and concludes with policy considerations. These include: prohibiting  candidates to handpick electoral delegates; providing the necessary logistical and accommodation support to the delegates on time; arranging a formal campaign  schedule for voters and candidates; publishing the election schedule for each seat of the House of the People in advance; allowing the media and election observers to be present during the voting, and monitoring and reporting irregularities and fraudulent practices throughout the election process.

Download the full brief here

Soomaaliya waxa ay galeysaa doorasho dadban mar labaad sanadka 2020-21. Waa hannaan la yaqaanno oo la qabtay ku dhowaad afar sano kahor. Casharro badan ayaa laga baran karaa geeddi-socodkii hirgelinta doorashooyinkii dadbanaa ee 2016. Sanadkii 2016, qaar kamid ah musharraxiinta Golaha Shacabka ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa bixiyey kharashaadka saadka sida safarka iyo hoyga loogu talagalay ergooyinka doorashada (taasoo qeyb ahaan la rumeysan yahay inay ka caawisay doorashadooda); ma jirin wakhti loo qorsheeyey kulamada musharraxiinta iyo ergooyinka; taariikhda iyo wakhtiga loo codeynayo kursi kasta oo kamid ah Golaha Shacabka waxaa go’aamiyay hal dhinac oo ah kooxaha fulinaya doorashooyinka. Sanadkii 2016, qoondada haweenka ee baarlamaanka ayaa oo markii hore ahaa 14% ayaa laga dhigay 24%, taasoo ahayd koror aad u weyn. Tani waxa ay ahayd mid kamid ah waxyaabihii wanaagsanaa ee kasoo baxay doorashadii dadbanayd ee 2016; dadaallada noocan oo kale ah ayaa sidoo kale la samayn karaa markan si sare loogu qaado saamiga lana gaarsiiyo hiigsiga qoondada haweenka ee ah 30%. Faalladan kooban waxaa uu falanqeynayaa hannaankii hirgelinta doorashooyinkii dadbanaa ee 2016, waxaana uu soo jeedinayaa talooyin tixgelin mudan oo ay kamid yihiin: ka mamnuucidda musharixiinta in ay gacan ku yeeshaan xulista ergooyinka doorashada; in wakhtigeeda lagu bixiyo saadka loo baahan yahay iyo hoyga ergada; diyaarinta jadwalka ololaha rasmiga ah ee cod-bixiyeyaasha iyo musharraxiinta; daabacaadda jadwalka doorashada ee kursi kasta xilli hore; u oggolaanshaha warbaahinta iyo kormeerayaasha doorashada in ay goobjoog ka ahaadaan xilliga cod-bixinta, iyo la socoshada iyo soo gudbinta khaladaadka inta lagu guda jiro hannaanka doorashada.

Soo rogo warbixinta oo dhameystiran

WAREYSI: Khilaafka ka taagan doorashooyinka baarlamaanka iyo tan madaxweynaha Hirshabeelle

The Hirshabelle election conundrum

This October, the constitutional 4-year mandate of both Hirshabelle’s parliament and president ends. After their selection by clan elders, the Hirshabelle parliament was sworn in on 9th October 2016. The legislative assembly elected its speaker and deputy speakers on 13th October and later its president Ali Abdullahi Osoble and vice president Ali Abdullahi Hussein (Guudlaawe) on 17 October 2016. The winner, Ali Abdullahi Osoble, (61 votes of 98 legislators) defeated his challenger, Mohamed Abdi Waare, who received 36 votes. Read more