Faalladani waxa ay sharraxeysaa xaaladda cakiran ee doorashooyinka Soomaaliya ee xilligan, waxaa ayna soo jeedineysaa hannaan beddel u noqon kara heshiiskii 17-ka Sebteembar (kaasoo hadda u muuqda mid aan shaqeyn karin). Hanaankan ayaa la xiriira muddo kordhin 2 sano ah oo loo sameeynaayo baarlamaanka Soomaaliya iyadoo la dooranaayo guddoomiyeyaal cusub. Hoggaanka cusub ee baarlamaanka ayaa waxa ay qabanqaabin doonaan doorashada Madaxweyne oo ay muddo xileedkiisu 2 sano noqoneyso. Madaxweynaha la dooranaayo waxaa uu dhisayaa dowlad loo dhan yahay. Dowladdan waxaa loo xilsaarayaa in ay abaabusho doorasho toos ah oo ka dhacda Soomaaliya 2 sano kadib, taasoo madaxweynaha ay doorteen Baarlamaanku uusan awood u yeelan doonin in uu noqdo musharrax. Kani waa hab cusub oo yeelan kara gaabis. Sikastaba ha ahaatee, faaladdaan ayaa ku doodeysa in ismariwaaga doorashooyinka ee hadda jira iyo duruufaha siyaasadeed ee aan caadiga ahayn ay u baahan yihiin tixgelinta xulashooyinka noocaan oo kale ah. Read more
This commentary explains the current impasse around elections in Somalia and proposes a potential alternative to the indirect elections of the September 17 ‘Mogadishu Model’ (which now appears unworkable). This alternative involves the extension of the Somali Parliament’s mandate for 2 years and the election of new speakers. These speakers would organize a parliamentary election of a President for a 2-year mandate. The president would then put together an inclusive government of national unity. This government would be tasked with organizing direct elections in Somalia after 2 years, in which the president elected by the Parliament would not be able to stand as a candidate. This is an unusual and innovative model which – inevitably – has its own limitations. Nevertheless, this commentary argues that the current electoral stalemate and extraordinary political circumstances require the consideration of such options. Read more
Soomaaliya waa dal ay dhallinyarada u badan tahay heerka tarankuna uu sarreeyo. Qiyaastii 70% dadku waxay ka yar yihiin 30 sano, in ka badan 60% dadku waxay ka yar yihiin 25 sano. Tirada badan ee dhallinyrada ah, waxay keentay in dhallinyarada da’da shaqada gaaray ay u dhibaatoodaan shaqo la’aan heerkeeda lagu qiyaaso 60%; Soomaaliyana ka dhigay mid kamid ah dalalka ugu sarreeya shaqo la’aanta adduunka. Read more
Protecting progress that has already been made in Somalia’s post-conflict transition should be the main priority of the upcoming electoral process. Significantly, Somalis have already achieved agreement on the main aspects of the process through intensive dialogue, which represents a major hurdle that has been negotiated. As well as this, the elections can also help to further expand participation and representation in Somalia’s political structures, which would be another step forward—albeit small—in Somalia’s post-conflict trajectory.
These successes are not yet guaranteed. The process comes at the tail-end of a period of heightened political tensions in Somalia, between the FGS and some federal member states, notably Jubaland and Puntland, as well as between the FGS and opposition politicians. The agreement struck in September is fragile, and, in the absence of trust, the contentious issues outlined above may derail the process. There is a high chance that the elections become protracted and contested, increasing the likelihood that the result is disputed.
These are worst-case scenarios and are avoidable if the spirit of consensus reached in September amongst the Somali political leadership can be revitalized and deepened. Constant political dialogue between Somali leaders from different sides of the spectrum on the issues outlined here is essential to build trust, relationships and channels of communication that can be the basis for a credible process, and mediation of political differences. This might take place in the form of a monthly meeting of political leaders whilst the election campaign is underway, as well as regular meetings or conference calls between technical advisors from the different groups.
In la ilaaliyo horumarkii horay loogu sameeyay marxaladda isbeddelka doorashada ee Soomaaliya waa in uu noqdaa mudnaanta koowaad ee hannaanka doorashooyinka soo socda. Muhiimad ahaan, Soomaalidu waxay hore heshiis uga gaareen arrimaha ugu muhiimsan ee geeddi-socodka doorashada iyadoo loo marayo wadahadal. Sidoo kale, doorashadu waxay kaloo gacan ka gaysan kartaa sii ballaarinta ka-qaybgalka iyo metelaadda siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya, taasoo noqon doonta tallaabo kale oo horey loo qaado – in kasta oo ay yar tahay.
Guulahaan weli lama damaanad qaadin. Hannaanka doorashada ayaa kusoo aadaya dabayaaqada xilli ay ka jiraan Soomaaliya xiisado siyaasadeed oo xoogeystay ee u dhexeeya dowladda federaalka iyo qaar ka mid ah dowladaha xubnaha ka ah dowladda federaalka, gaar ahaan Jubaland iyo Puntland, iyo sidoo kale khilaaf u dhexeeya dowladda federaalka iyo siyaasiyiinta mucaaradka. Heshiiskii la gaaray bishii Sebteember waa mid nugul, maadaama aanu kalsooni badan heysanin, arrimaha lagu muransan yahay ee kor ku xusan ayaana carqaladeyn kara hannaanka doorashada. Waxaa jirta ifafaalo ah in doorashooyinka ay noqdaan kuwo daba dheeraada, taasoo kordhinaysa suuragalnimada in natiijada doorashadu noqoto mid lagu murmo.
Kuwani waa xaaladaha ugu xun ee dhici kara waana kuwo laga fogaan karo haddii dareenka adag ee heshiiskii la gaarey bishii Sebteambar ee u dhexeeyey hoggaamiyaasha siyaasadda ee Soomaaliya dib loosoo nooleyn karo lanasii ballaarin karo. Wadahadal siyaasadeed oo joogta ah oo u dhexeeya madaxda Soomaalida ee ka kala socda dhinacyada kala duwan ee arrimaha halkan lagu xusey ayaa lagama maarmaan u ah dhismaha kalsooni, xiriiro iyo wadiiqooyin isgaarsiineed oo gundhig u noqon kara hannaan lagu kalsoonaan karo, iyo dhexdhexaadinta khilaafaadka iyo kala duwanaanshaha siyaasadeed. Tani waxa ay u dhici kartaa qaab kulan bille ah oo u dhexeeya hoggaamiyaasha siyaasadda inta ololaha doorashada uu socdo, iyo sidoo kale shirar caadiga ah ee u dhexeeya lataliyeyaasha farsamada ee siyaasiyiinta kala duwan.
On Thursday, 12th November 2020, Somali Public Agenda and Youth Peer Education Network (Y-Peer) in Somalia have co-organized a forum that took place at Afrik Hotel in Mogadishu under the theme “The role of the Somali youth in the upcoming Somalia parliamentary and presidential elections: opportunities and challenges”.
59 young participants, from both genders, representing different institutions and organizations in Mogadishu have attended the forum, such as university students, civil servants, NGOs, and aspirants for parliamentary seats in the upcoming elections among others.
Also, present at the forum were three panelists namely Sagal Bihi (MP), Muno Axlaa, a candidate for a parliamentary seat in the upcoming elections, and Ahmed Hadi, political activist and head of Public Relations at Somali International University, who were invited to make remarks on the subject and answer questions of the participants.
The panelists emphasized thorny issues that hamstring Somali youth participate in the political process such as discriminatory fees from candidates to the parliamentary seats, infested parochial political cultures, and foreign money funded to competing politicians.
Participants were offered an opportunity to make their comments and ask questions to the panelists.
Watch the full forum video here.
Somalia is heading into another indirect election in 2020-21. It is a familiar process and one that was undertaken almost four years ago. Many lessons can be learned from the 2016 indirect electoral implementation process. In 2016, candidates for the House of the People of Somali Federal Parliament covered some important logistics, travel and accommodation costs for the electoral delegates (which in part is believed to have helped them get elected); there was no scheduled time for meetings between candidates and the voting delegates; and the date and time for voting of each seat of the House of the People was unilaterally decided by the state election implementation teams. In 2016, the proportion of women in parliament was increased from 14% to 24%, which was a significant increase. This was one of the positives of the 2016 indirect elections and similar efforts could be made this time around to raise this to the 30% female quota target. This brief analyses the implementation process of the 2016 indirect elections and concludes with policy considerations. These include: prohibiting candidates to handpick electoral delegates; providing the necessary logistical and accommodation support to the delegates on time; arranging a formal campaign schedule for voters and candidates; publishing the election schedule for each seat of the House of the People in advance; allowing the media and election observers to be present during the voting, and monitoring and reporting irregularities and fraudulent practices throughout the election process.
Soomaaliya waxa ay galeysaa doorasho dadban mar labaad sanadka 2020-21. Waa hannaan la yaqaanno oo la qabtay ku dhowaad afar sano kahor. Casharro badan ayaa laga baran karaa geeddi-socodkii hirgelinta doorashooyinkii dadbanaa ee 2016. Sanadkii 2016, qaar kamid ah musharraxiinta Golaha Shacabka ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa bixiyey kharashaadka saadka sida safarka iyo hoyga loogu talagalay ergooyinka doorashada (taasoo qeyb ahaan la rumeysan yahay inay ka caawisay doorashadooda); ma jirin wakhti loo qorsheeyey kulamada musharraxiinta iyo ergooyinka; taariikhda iyo wakhtiga loo codeynayo kursi kasta oo kamid ah Golaha Shacabka waxaa go’aamiyay hal dhinac oo ah kooxaha fulinaya doorashooyinka. Sanadkii 2016, qoondada haweenka ee baarlamaanka ayaa oo markii hore ahaa 14% ayaa laga dhigay 24%, taasoo ahayd koror aad u weyn. Tani waxa ay ahayd mid kamid ah waxyaabihii wanaagsanaa ee kasoo baxay doorashadii dadbanayd ee 2016; dadaallada noocan oo kale ah ayaa sidoo kale la samayn karaa markan si sare loogu qaado saamiga lana gaarsiiyo hiigsiga qoondada haweenka ee ah 30%. Faalladan kooban waxaa uu falanqeynayaa hannaankii hirgelinta doorashooyinkii dadbanaa ee 2016, waxaana uu soo jeedinayaa talooyin tixgelin mudan oo ay kamid yihiin: ka mamnuucidda musharixiinta in ay gacan ku yeeshaan xulista ergooyinka doorashada; in wakhtigeeda lagu bixiyo saadka loo baahan yahay iyo hoyga ergada; diyaarinta jadwalka ololaha rasmiga ah ee cod-bixiyeyaasha iyo musharraxiinta; daabacaadda jadwalka doorashada ee kursi kasta xilli hore; u oggolaanshaha warbaahinta iyo kormeerayaasha doorashada in ay goobjoog ka ahaadaan xilliga cod-bixinta, iyo la socoshada iyo soo gudbinta khaladaadka inta lagu guda jiro hannaanka doorashada.
This October, the constitutional 4-year mandate of both Hirshabelle’s parliament and president ends. After their selection by clan elders, the Hirshabelle parliament was sworn in on 9th October 2016. The legislative assembly elected its speaker and deputy speakers on 13th October and later its president Ali Abdullahi Osoble and vice president Ali Abdullahi Hussein (Guudlaawe) on 17 October 2016. The winner, Ali Abdullahi Osoble, (61 votes of 98 legislators) defeated his challenger, Mohamed Abdi Waare, who received 36 votes. Read more
Bishan Oktoobar, waxaa dhammaanaya muddo-xileedka 4-ta sano ah ee baarlamaanka iyo madaxweynaha Hirshabeelle. Kadib markii ay soo xuleen odayaasha beelaha, baarlamaanka Hirshabeelle waxaa la dhaariyay 9-kii Oktoobar 2016. 13-kii Oktoobar ayaa la doortay guddoomiyaha iyo ku-xigeennada baarlamaanka. Sidoo kale baarlamaanka ayaa doortay madaxweyne Cali Cabdullaahi Cosoble iyo madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka Cali Cabdullaahi Xuseen (Guudlaawe) 17-kii Oktoobar 2016. Cali Cabdullaahi Cosoble, (oo ka haley 61 cod 98 xildhibaan) waxa uu ka guuleystay musharrixii la tartamayay, Maxamed Cabdi Waare, oo helay 36 cod. Read more