On May 27, members of the National Consultative Council (NCC) signed an election agreement in Mogadishu. The agreement, which consists of eight points and a roadmap for the post-election government, addresses the core outstanding issues of the indirect elections. The Prime Minister took the lead of the electoral process after the House of the People rescinded early last month a two- year extension it announced on 12 April and the President handed over the election management and security to him. The agreement includes a way forward for the election implementation teams, the election of Somaliland seats, the management of elections in Gedo, election security, women’s quota, and an election timeline. This brief examines the agreed framework and its limitations. It also analyses the implementation challenges of the agreed indirect election such as budget, security, the composition of electoral delegates, and logistical challenges. It also puts forward a number of recommendations that, if implemented, could enhance the transparency and outcome of Somalia’s approaching indirect elections.
Over the past decades, donors, aid agencies, consultants and enumerators have conducted increasing amounts of aid-related research in the form of monitoring, assessments and surveys in Somalia. The rise of third-party monitoring (TPMs), new technologies and the arrival of global consultancy firms have not only led to an internationalised and professionalised market for aid information but also introduced new power dynamics in the production of aid knowledge. The way in which aid data in Somalia/Somaliland is produced reflects prevailing stereotypes about the supposedly superior value of ‘Western’ expertise over local knowledge. This brief raises important questions about the production and ownership of aid- related knowledge in the Somali territories where, due to weak state institutions, data collection is unregulated, and often de facto privatised. Moreover, the insufficient uptake of aid information by aid agencies, the governments and the public gives pause for thought. As Somali government institutions are strengthening, there is an urgent need to localise knowledge production in Somalia and to make aid information and data available to the public. There is also a need to strengthen data protection and research ethics and to rethink some of the extractive and negative impacts of the current aid information business.
Faalladani waxa ay sharraxeysaa xaaladda cakiran ee doorashooyinka Soomaaliya ee xilligan, waxaa ayna soo jeedineysaa hannaan beddel u noqon kara heshiiskii 17-ka Sebteembar (kaasoo hadda u muuqda mid aan shaqeyn karin). Hanaankan ayaa la xiriira muddo kordhin 2 sano ah oo loo sameeynaayo baarlamaanka Soomaaliya iyadoo la dooranaayo guddoomiyeyaal cusub. Hoggaanka cusub ee baarlamaanka ayaa waxa ay qabanqaabin doonaan doorashada Madaxweyne oo ay muddo xileedkiisu 2 sano noqoneyso. Madaxweynaha la dooranaayo waxaa uu dhisayaa dowlad loo dhan yahay. Dowladdan waxaa loo xilsaarayaa in ay abaabusho doorasho toos ah oo ka dhacda Soomaaliya 2 sano kadib, taasoo madaxweynaha ay doorteen Baarlamaanku uusan awood u yeelan doonin in uu noqdo musharrax. Kani waa hab cusub oo yeelan kara gaabis. Sikastaba ha ahaatee, faaladdaan ayaa ku doodeysa in ismariwaaga doorashooyinka ee hadda jira iyo duruufaha siyaasadeed ee aan caadiga ahayn ay u baahan yihiin tixgelinta xulashooyinka noocaan oo kale ah. Read more
Soomaaliya waxay soo martay xasillooni darro weyn tan iyo markii la riday dowladdii milateriga ahayd 1991. Isku dhacyada rabshadaha wata ee u dhexeeya qabaa’illada iska soo horjeeda ayaa caadi ka ahaa dalka oo dhan, kuwaasoo ka dhashay inta badan biyo yari iyo kheyraadka daaqa. Colaadaha noocan oo kale ah waxay keeneen isku dhacyo muddo dheer socdey oo ay adkaatay in la xalliyo. Mid kamid ah tusaalaha ugu muhiimsan waa maamulka Galmudug, oo ay sameysteen gobollada Galgaduud iyo Mudug, iyadoo taariikh ahaan ahaayeen labadan gobol goobo ay ka jiraan loollan siyaasadeed oo qaraar iyo dagaallo isdaba joog ah, iyadoo kooxo badan ay sheeganayeen inay ka taliyaan qeybo kala duwan oo labadan gobol katirsan. Muddadii 2015 ilaa 2019 Galmudug labo ayay u kala jabtay, maamullo kala gaar ahna waxaa laga kala dhisay dhumasareb iyo Cadaado. Sikastaba ha noqotee, kadib isku dayo badan oo dib-u-heshiisiin oo ay ku guuldareysteen dhinacyo kala duwan, geeddi-socodkii ugu dambeeyay ee la doonayay in lagusoo dabaalo nabad iyo in la dhiso dowlad xasilan ayaa waxaa laga gaaray guul.
Podcast-gan waxa ay Maxamed Shariif, Mahad Waasuge, Farxaan Isaaq Yuusuf ku falanqeynayaan natiijooyinka kasoo baxay daraasad cilmiyaysan oo falanqeyneysa geeddi-socodka dib-u-heshiisiinta siyaasadeed iyo bulsho ee degaannada Galmudug.
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Golaha Shacabka ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa 29-kii bishii Diseembar 2020 (labo maalin kadib markii uu muddo xileedkisa dhammaaday 27-dii Diseembari) meelmariyay miisaaniyadda dowladda federaalka ee sanadka 2021-ka. Wadarta miisaaniyadda loogu talagalay sanad maaliyadeedka 2021-ka waa $671 malyan. Tani waxa ay $195 malyan ka badan tahay miisaaniyadda sanadkii hore oo aheyd $476 million, taasoo ayada lafteeda $132 malyan ka badneyd sanad maaliyadeedkii 2019-ka oo ahaa $344 million.
Waxa uu Mahad Wasuge podcast-gan kusoo koobayaa faallo aan dhawaan ka daabacnay miisaaniyadda dowladda federaalka sanadka 2021 ee loo qorsheeyay hay’adaha amniga, horumarinta dhaqaalaha iyo adeegyada bulshada Soomaaliya.
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This commentary explains the current impasse around elections in Somalia and proposes a potential alternative to the indirect elections of the September 17 ‘Mogadishu Model’ (which now appears unworkable). This alternative involves the extension of the Somali Parliament’s mandate for 2 years and the election of new speakers. These speakers would organize a parliamentary election of a President for a 2-year mandate. The president would then put together an inclusive government of national unity. This government would be tasked with organizing direct elections in Somalia after 2 years, in which the president elected by the Parliament would not be able to stand as a candidate. This is an unusual and innovative model which – inevitably – has its own limitations. Nevertheless, this commentary argues that the current electoral stalemate and extraordinary political circumstances require the consideration of such options. Read more
2020 has been a challenging but productive year for Somali Public Agenda. Despite the disruptions of the Covid-19 pandemic and other problems for Somalia this year, SPA was able to navigate through and managed to publish 16 papers in total, including reports, briefs, and commentaries. Our production was four publications higher than our 12 pieces in 2019. Of the 16 publications, 10 were commentaries, 4 were governance briefs, and 2 were research reports.
In August 2020, the foundations for operationalizing SPA’s design and training portfolios were laid when SPA launched the Center for Public Policy and Service Design and Center for Learning and Development. SPA’s podcasts have increased in 2020. During the year, 11 podcasts were produced. SPA also developed three podcast programmes: namely, the SPA Governance Podcast, SPA Public Service Podcast, and SPA Forums Podcast. There have been over 1,500 downloads of the podcasts. Our Public Agenda Forum organized three events in 2020. We have developed a collaborative relationship with several institutions in 2020. Our relationship with the media has become stronger. We were regularly interviewed by many international and local media outlets. We spoke to Al Jazeera, CGTN, VOA Somali, BBC Somali Service, and several local TV and radio stations including Goobjoog and Radio Himilo.
Our work in 2021 will focus on peace, democratization, elections, and understanding contentious issues in Somalia. Studies on reconciliations in the Federal Member States, elections at local levels, and fiscal federalism among others will be the focus of our 2021 work.
The roads to reconciliation and state formation in Galmudug have been difficult. The federal government – through the Ministry of Interior, Fed- eral Affairs, and Reconciliation – took the lead in establishing a new state for Galmudug in early 2019. It started with a 12-member social reconciliation committee that convened the 11 clans in Galmudug and helped them select the state legislators. The reconciliation of the Huurshe-Heraale conflict was a notable success of these efforts. A controversial presidential election which was boycotted by most of the candidates followed reconciliation at community levels. However, the elected president Qoorqoor led the state in a positive direction by initiating a political reconciliation process. Before his inauguration, he reached agreements with opposition politicians who had been candidates for the presidency, and former Galmudug President Haaf. ASWJ leaders left Dhusamareb after the SNA overpowered their forces. A state cabinet seen by many as being inclusive was appointed, and within a few months Galmudug saw itself playing an important role in national politics by convening conferences between FGS and FMS leaders on the subject of federal elections.
Notwithstanding these promising reconciliation efforts, the state is still fragile and the challenges it faces are numerous. Addressing the root causes of clan conflicts, managing the election of the federal MPs whose constituency is Galmudug, and security sector re- form, among many others, will define Galmudug’s future.
In partnership with Interpeace.
There has been controversy surrounding the development of new legislation in Somalia addressing sexual offences, at a time when incidences of rape and other sexual violence have become rampant and impunity is pervasive. Two different bills on sexual offences have been drafted by different sources. However, the content and implications of each bill have not been adequately explained in public, leading to tensions fed by confusion and misapprehension rather than informed discussion. This brief outlines the content of each bill and draws out the key comparisons and differences. It recommends harmonizing the two bills, conducting wider public awareness activities on the proposed legislation, aligning the legislation to Somalia’s Penal Code, and strengthening the judiciary, police, and prosecution institutions.
Muran ayaa ka taagnaa u sameynta sharci cusub Soomaaliya oo wax looga qabanayo dembiyada galmada, xilli dhacdooyinka kufsiga iyo xadgudubyada kale ee galmada ay noqdeen kuwo aad u baahsan. Laba hindise- sharciyeed oo kala duwan oo ku saabsan dembiyada galmada ayey diyaariyeen xafiisyo kala duwan. Nuxurka iyo saameynta nindise- sharciyeed kasta si fiican looguma sharrixin dadweynaha, taasoo horseedday xiisado ku qotama jahwareer iyo fahan-xumo halkii ay habooneyd dood xog-ogaalnimo ku dhisan in laga yeesho. Qoraalkan wuxuu qeexayaa waxa ku qoran hindise-sharciyeed kasta wuxuuna soo bandhigayaa isbarbardhigyada iyo kala duwanaanshiyaha muhiimka ah. Qormadu waxey ku talineysaa in la is waafajiyo labada hindise-sharciyeed, in la sameeyo wacyigelin ballaaran oo ku saabsan sharciga lagu taliyey, in sharciga la waafajiyo Xeerka Ciqaabta Soomaaliya, lana xoojiyo garsoorka, booliska, iyo hay’adaha dacwad-oogista.