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Evaluating the Governance of the Covid-19 Response in Somalia: A Call for Inclusive and Transparent Decision-making

The Covid-19 pandemic spread across Somalia and again exposed the fragility of public institutions. There are limited laboratories that can be used to test the Covid-19 samples. The number of samples tested was minimal in number, and the positive, recovered, and death numbers reported likely do not reflect the actual number of people who contracted the virus and the actual deaths from the coronavirus. The national Covid-19 response was understandably minimal, and was/is only limited to Mogadishu, the seats of regional states, and few other major towns. Although some governance measures were employed by the federal government and federal member states, these measures were poorly enforced due to the weak enforcement capacity of public institutions. There have been some financial and in-kind support to Covid-19 response, but transparency and accountability mechanisms relating to how these resources have been used are not clear. The Covid-19 pandemic became one among many pressing priorities for the recovering public sector institutions in Somalia, and one key lesson from the pandemic relates to the need for investment in both governing institutions and the delivery of public services. The pandemic may come to an end, but it could inspire leaders to invest more in increasing access to and quality of public services in Somalia.

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Cudurka safmareenka ee Covid-19 wuxuu ku faafay Soomaaliya oo dhan wuxuuna mar kale kashifay jilicsanaanta hay’adaha dowliga ah. Waxaa jira shaybaarro yar oo loo isticmaali karo in lagu baaro cudurka Covid-19. Tirada dadka la baaray ayaa tiro ahaan aad u yaraa, tirada laga helay, iyo tirada dhimashada ee la soo sheegay waxay u egtahay inaysan ka tarjumaynin tirada dhabta ah ee dadka uu ku dhacay fayraska iyo dhimashada dhabta ah ee uu sababay coronavirus. Guddiga heer Qaran ee Covid-19 tamartiisu waxay ahayd mid aad u yar,  kaliyana ku eg Muqdisho, caasimadaha dowlad-goboleedyada iyo magaalooyin kale oo waaweyn. Inkastoo dhowr tallaabo oo maamul ay ku dhawaaqeen dowladda dhexe iyo dowladaha xubnaha ka ah federaalka, haddana tallaabooyinkan si liidata ayaa loo dhaqan geliyey sababtoo ah awoodda fulinta ee hay’adaha dowladda ayaa daciif ah. Waxaa jiray xoogaa taageero maaliyadeed iyo mid agab ah oo loogu tala galay la tacalida xaladda Covid-19, balse daahfurnaan badan ma jirin qaabka islaxisaabtankana ma ahayn mid cadaynaya sida wax loo isticmaalay. COVID-19  wuxuu noqday mid kamid ah arrimaha culus ee mudnaanta ay siiyeen hay’adaha dowliga ah ee Soomaaliya. Hal cashar oo muhiim ah oo laga bartay musiibada ayaa la xiriirta baahida loo qabo dhisidda hay’adaha dowliga ah iyo gaarsiinta adeegyada bulshada. Aafada waa lasoo afjari karaa, laakiin waxay ku dhiirigelin kartaa hoggaamiyeyaasha inay maalgeliyaan kordhinta helitaanka iyo tayada adeegyada bulshada ee Soomaaliya.

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The ‘Electoral Constituency Caucuses’: Analysis of the new electoral model agreed in Dhusamareb

On Thursday, 20 August 2020, the president of Somalia, leaders of 3 federal member states (Galmudug, South West, and Hirshabelle), and the governor of Benadir region agreed and signed a new election model dubbed the Electoral Constituency Caucuses’. The agreement was reached after a series of talks held in Dhusamareb, the capital city of Galmudug. At the conclusion of the previous Dhusamareb (2) conference, a joint technical committee from the federal government and federal member states was proposed with the mandate to explore electoral models and present options to the leaders of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and Federal Member States (FMS) in a third Dhusamareb meeting, which was slated for 15th August. After meetings in Mogadishu and Dhusamareb, the technical committee proposed 3 models, one of which the leaders had to settle on. Read more

Direct election or ‘enhanced indirect’ election for Somalia? Analysis of the relevant regulations

On 7th June, the joint 17-member parliamentary committee tasked with the preparation of election regulations – which requires only parliamentary approval – submitted two draft regulations to the speakers of the two chambers of parliament for discussion. The first regulation, which consists of 5 chapters and 9 articles, defines the seat allocation, women’s quota, and representation of the Benadir region in the Upper House. The second regulation, which consists of 12 articles, defines the (s)election process of representatives for  Somaliland (or northern regions). Read more

Doorasho toos ah mise doorashadii dadbaneyd oo la hormariyey? Falanqeyn ku saabsan xeerarka doorashada

7-dii bishii Juun, guddiga baarlamaanka ee ka koobnaa 17-ka xubnood loona xilsaray diyaarinta xeerarka sharciga doorashooyinka waxa uu labo xeer u gudbiyey guddoonka labada aqal ee baarlamaanka si looga doodo loona ansixiyo. Xeerka koowaad oo ka kooban 5 cutub iyo 9 qodob waxa uu qeexayaa deegaan-doorashada kuraasta, qoondada dumarka, iyo metelaadda gobolka Benaadir. Xeerka labaad oo ka kooban 12 qodob waxa uu qeexayaa hannaanka doorasho ee xildhibaannada Soomaaliland (ama gobollada waqooyi). Read more

Inclusion, Accountability, and Protection: Analysis on the 2019 Flood Response in Hiiraan

The findings of the radio discussions reveal that there were a number of things that went wrong in the 2019 flood response. First, there was no reliable data on the number of people displaced by the flooding, and where the locations from and to which they were displaced. This led to the irregular distribution of emergency relief. Second, some local committees and individuals responsible for the distribution of the majority of the emergency relief that people experienced used clan criteria for the selection of beneficiaries, which excluded important segments of the society such as the IDPs, people with disabilities, and women. Third, there was disorganization among the multiple actors who were distributing aid. As a result, some families and individuals received food and cash several times while others did not receive any relief. Fourth, there was a lack of awareness among both local people and volunteer responders of the physical risks presented by the flooded terrain. As a result, some people died in the water. Finally, there were no institutions or mechanisms formed before the flooding to handle the response. This led to disorganized multiple actors distributing aid based on the criteria they set themselves or directed by the groups that sent the assistance.

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Sida uu takoorku caqabad ugu yahay la-dagaallanka Coronovirus ee Soomaaliya

16-kii Maarso 2020, Wasaaradda Caafimaadka ee Soomaaliya ayaa xaqiijisay kiiskii ugu horreeyay ee COVID-19 ee Soomaaliya laga helay. Iyadoo laga jawaabayo, lagana hortagayo faafitaanka fayraska, waxa ay dowladda soo rogtay xannibaado ay kamid yihiin joojinta duullimaadyada gudaha iyo kuwa caalamiga ah, xeritaanka iskuullada, jaamacadaha iyo Madarasadaha Qur’aanka, waxayna ugu dambeyn soo rogtay bandoow habeenkii ah oo dhaqan galkiisu bilowday 15-ka Abriil. Inkastoo talaabooyinkan la qaaday, haddana fayrasku wuxuu ku fiday Muqdisho. Qofkii ugu horreeyay ee u dhinta Coronavirus 8-dii Abriil wuxuu ahaa muwaadin Soomaaliyeed oo aan horey safar u galin, tasoo si cad u muujineysa in uu bulshada cudurku ku faafay. Fayrasku wuxuu ugu faafayaa Muqdisho iyo qeybaha kale ee dalka si xawli ah, mana jiro awood dowladeed oo lagu raadiyo xiriirrada ay sameeyeen dadka cudurka ku dhacay iyo dadkii ay la macaamileen. Read more

Division of powers and responsibilities in a federal Somalia

Somalia adopted a federal system of governance in 2004, although the formation of regional states only began in 2013. Four states have been formed under the auspices of the provisional constitution, in which the separation of executive powers and responsibilities between the different tiers of government remains unclear. Amidst this state of constitutional ambiguity, power struggles between the federal government and regional states have been – and remain – persistent. The constitutional review commissions reviewed the power-sharing options and presented scenarios to the parliament in 2016, but they have yet to be adopted and offer only a limited solution. In response to this protracted absence of a clarified governance structure, this brief presents new options to distribute powers and responsibilities to the different levels of government.

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Soomaaliya waxa ay qaadatay nidaam federaal sanadkii 2004, balse dhismaha maamul goboleedyadu waxa ay bilowdeen 2013. Afar maamul goboleed ayaa la dhisay iyadoo dastuurka kumeelgaarka ah aanu si wanaagsan u kala saareynin awoodaha fulinta ee heerarka kala duwan ee dowladdu leeyihiin. Maadaama dastuurku aanu kala caddeyn awoodaha, hardanka awoodeed ee u dhexeeya dowladda federaalka iyo maamul goboleedyada waxa uu ahaa welina yahay mid joogto ah. Guddiyada dib-u-eegista dastuurka waxa ay dib-u-eegis ku sameeyeen awood qeybsiga waxana ay talooyin u gudbiyeen baarlamaanka sanadkii 2016, laakiin talooyinkoodii weli lama qaadanin. Maadaama hannaanka awood qeybsigu aanu caddeyn, warbixintan waxa ay soo jeedineynaa talooyin cusub ee la xiriira sida awoodaha iyo masuuliyadaha loogu qeybin karo heerarka kala duwan ee dowladda.

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