Agaasimaha Somali Public Agenda Mahad Waasuge ayaa wareysi uu siiyay VOA Somali uga hadlay hufnaanta doorashada iyo waxa iska beddeli karo hannaanka doorashada kadib markii uu Raysal Wasaaraha xilka ka qaaday 7 xubnood oo ka tirsanaa Guddiga Xallinta Khilaafaadka Doorashada.
Wareysiga oo dhameystiran halkan ka dhageyso.
https://somalipublicagenda.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Screen-Shot-2021-12-22-at-12.00.46-PM.png410782Somali Public Agendahttps://somalipublicagenda.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/SPA-Logo-278x300.jpgSomali Public Agenda2021-12-22 09:05:072021-12-22 09:14:15WAREYSI: Hufnaanta Doorashada Soomaaliya
After about three and half months, the election of the Upper House’s 54 members has been completed. However, the electoral process has not been undertaken without flaws. It empowered the presidents of Federal Member States (FMS) to submit a list of candidates for each Senate seat elected in their respective constituencies to the state legislators (and electoral constituency of 46 in the case of Somaliland representatives). For the majority of seats, FMS presidents had complete control over the candidate list and election process, and many candidates were purposefully omitted from the list. Affiliation with a political camp also played a significant role in the outcome of the election. However, women received nearly 26% of votes in the Upper House elections, which was a positive result. This brief examines how the Upper House’s 54 members were elected, as well as the critical lessons that can be learned from this and be applied to the upcoming election of the House of the People’s 275 members.
Kadib ku dhawaad muddo afar bil iyo bar ah, doorashada 54-ta xubnood ee Aqalka Sare ayaa lasoo dhammeystiray. Hase ahaatee, hannaanka doorashadda kama marneyn cillado. Waxa uu hannanaka doorashada awood siiyay madaxda Dowlad-Goboleedyada, kuwaasoo baarlamaanka gudbinayay liiska musharraxiinta ku tartamayay kursi walba oo Aqalka Sare kamid ah, kadibna ay kala dooranayeen baarlamaannada dolwad- goboleedyada (Soomaaliland booska baarlamanka waxaa ugu jiray 46 xubnood). Inta badan kuraasta, liiska musharraxiinta iyo hannaanka doorashadda waxaa si buuxda gacanta ugu hayay madaxweynayaasha dowlad-goboleedyada, taasoo sababtay musharraxiin badan in si kutalagal ah looga reebay liiska doorashadda. Waxaa sidoo kale kaalin weyn ku lahaa natiijada doorashadda musharraxiinta xiriirka ay la lahaayeen kooxaha siyaasadda isku haya. Sidaas oo ay tahay, haweenka waxa ay heleen ku dhowaad 26% xubnihii la doortay doorashooyinka Aqalka Sare, taasoo ah natiijo togan. Faalladan koban waxa aan ku eegeynaa sida xubnaha Aqalka Sare ee 54-ta ah loo doortay, sidoo kale casharadda muhiimka ah ee laga baran karo doorshadan iyo sida loogu dabaqi karo doorashada soo aaddan ee Golaha Shacabka oo ka kooban 275 xubnood.
https://somalipublicagenda.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/SPA-Brief.jpeg481989Somali Public Agendahttps://somalipublicagenda.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/SPA-Logo-278x300.jpgSomali Public Agenda2021-11-14 08:31:412021-12-06 14:29:28Lessons from Somalia’s 2021 Upper House Elections
Somalia adopted a federal system in 2004 when the Transitional Federal Charter was adopted in Kenya. Since then, it has evolved into a provisional constitution, which was temporarily approved by the over 800-member constitutional assembly in Mogadishu in 2012. The devolution of power has exposed Somalia to recurrent disputes between the FGS and its constituent units over power and resource distribution. At the heart of a bitter and draining schism and bone of contention between the levels of government is fiscal federalism. This results from ambiguity inherent in the Somalia Provisional Constitution over this and other crucial matters. As this problem grows, this study sheds light on the state of fiscal federalism in Somalia, and the challenges that stand in the way of a workable agreement. However, it also proposes practical models and recommendations in resolving the existing disputes over fiscal federalism.
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Soomaaliya waxay soo martay xasillooni darro weyn tan iyo markii la riday dowladdii milateriga ahayd 1991. Isku dhacyada rabshadaha wata ee u dhexeeya qabaa’illada iska soo horjeeda ayaa caadi ka ahaa dalka oo dhan, kuwaasoo ka dhashay inta badan biyo yari iyo kheyraadka daaqa. Colaadaha noocan oo kale ah waxay keeneen isku dhacyo muddo dheer socdey oo ay adkaatay in la xalliyo. Mid kamid ah tusaalaha ugu muhiimsan waa maamulka Galmudug, oo ay sameysteen gobollada Galgaduud iyo Mudug, iyadoo taariikh ahaan ahaayeen labadan gobol goobo ay ka jiraan loollan siyaasadeed oo qaraar iyo dagaallo isdaba joog ah, iyadoo kooxo badan ay sheeganayeen inay ka taliyaan qeybo kala duwan oo labadan gobol katirsan. Muddadii 2015 ilaa 2019 Galmudug labo ayay u kala jabtay, maamullo kala gaar ahna waxaa laga kala dhisay dhumasareb iyo Cadaado. Sikastaba ha noqotee, kadib isku dayo badan oo dib-u-heshiisiin oo ay ku guuldareysteen dhinacyo kala duwan, geeddi-socodkii ugu dambeeyay ee la doonayay in lagusoo dabaalo nabad iyo in la dhiso dowlad xasilan ayaa waxaa laga gaaray guul.
Podcast-gan waxa ay Maxamed Shariif, Mahad Waasuge, Farxaan Isaaq Yuusuf ku falanqeynayaan natiijooyinka kasoo baxay daraasad cilmiyaysan oo falanqeyneysa geeddi-socodka dib-u-heshiisiinta siyaasadeed iyo bulsho ee degaannada Galmudug.
This commentary explains the current impasse around elections in Somalia and proposes a potential alternative to the indirect elections of the September 17 ‘Mogadishu Model’ (which now appears unworkable). This alternative involves the extension of the Somali Parliament’s mandate for 2 years and the election of new speakers. These speakers would organize a parliamentary election of a President for a 2-year mandate. The president would then put together an inclusive government of national unity. This government would be tasked with organizing direct elections in Somalia after 2 years, in which the president elected by the Parliament would not be able to stand as a candidate. This is an unusual and innovative model which – inevitably – has its own limitations. Nevertheless, this commentary argues that the current electoral stalemate and extraordinary political circumstances require the consideration of such options. Read more
https://somalipublicagenda.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Somalia-Elections.jpg364660Mahad Wasugehttps://somalipublicagenda.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/SPA-Logo-278x300.jpgMahad Wasuge2021-04-01 08:12:202021-04-01 10:10:13Somalia’s Electoral Conundrum: An Alternative to the Mogadishu Model
Somali Public Agenda is a non-profit public policy and administration research organization based in Mogadishu. Its aim is to advance understanding and improvement of public administration and public services in Somalia through evidence-based research and analysis.