Over the past decades, donors, aid agencies, consultants and enumerators have conducted increasing amounts of aid-related research in the form of monitoring, assessments and surveys in Somalia. The rise of third-party monitoring (TPMs), new technologies and the arrival of global consultancy firms have not only led to an internationalised and professionalised market for aid information but also introduced new power dynamics in the production of aid knowledge. The way in which aid data in Somalia/Somaliland is produced reflects prevailing stereotypes about the supposedly superior value of ‘Western’ expertise over local knowledge. This brief raises important questions about the production and ownership of aid- related knowledge in the Somali territories where, due to weak state institutions, data collection is unregulated, and often de facto privatised. Moreover, the insufficient uptake of aid information by aid agencies, the governments and the public gives pause for thought. As Somali government institutions are strengthening, there is an urgent need to localise knowledge production in Somalia and to make aid information and data available to the public. There is also a need to strengthen data protection and research ethics and to rethink some of the extractive and negative impacts of the current aid information business.
Faalladani waxa ay sharraxeysaa xaaladda cakiran ee doorashooyinka Soomaaliya ee xilligan, waxaa ayna soo jeedineysaa hannaan beddel u noqon kara heshiiskii 17-ka Sebteembar (kaasoo hadda u muuqda mid aan shaqeyn karin). Hanaankan ayaa la xiriira muddo kordhin 2 sano ah oo loo sameeynaayo baarlamaanka Soomaaliya iyadoo la dooranaayo guddoomiyeyaal cusub. Hoggaanka cusub ee baarlamaanka ayaa waxa ay qabanqaabin doonaan doorashada Madaxweyne oo ay muddo xileedkiisu 2 sano noqoneyso. Madaxweynaha la dooranaayo waxaa uu dhisayaa dowlad loo dhan yahay. Dowladdan waxaa loo xilsaarayaa in ay abaabusho doorasho toos ah oo ka dhacda Soomaaliya 2 sano kadib, taasoo madaxweynaha ay doorteen Baarlamaanku uusan awood u yeelan doonin in uu noqdo musharrax. Kani waa hab cusub oo yeelan kara gaabis. Sikastaba ha ahaatee, faaladdaan ayaa ku doodeysa in ismariwaaga doorashooyinka ee hadda jira iyo duruufaha siyaasadeed ee aan caadiga ahayn ay u baahan yihiin tixgelinta xulashooyinka noocaan oo kale ah. Read more
Golaha Shacabka ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa 29-kii bishii Diseembar 2020 (labo maalin kadib markii uu muddo xileedkisa dhammaaday 27-dii Diseembari) meelmariyay miisaaniyadda dowladda federaalka ee sanadka 2021-ka. Wadarta miisaaniyadda loogu talagalay sanad maaliyadeedka 2021-ka waa $671 malyan. Tani waxa ay $195 malyan ka badan tahay miisaaniyadda sanadkii hore oo aheyd $476 million, taasoo ayada lafteeda $132 malyan ka badneyd sanad maaliyadeedkii 2019-ka oo ahaa $344 million.
Waxa uu Mahad Wasuge podcast-gan kusoo koobayaa faallo aan dhawaan ka daabacnay miisaaniyadda dowladda federaalka sanadka 2021 ee loo qorsheeyay hay’adaha amniga, horumarinta dhaqaalaha iyo adeegyada bulshada Soomaaliya.
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This commentary explains the current impasse around elections in Somalia and proposes a potential alternative to the indirect elections of the September 17 ‘Mogadishu Model’ (which now appears unworkable). This alternative involves the extension of the Somali Parliament’s mandate for 2 years and the election of new speakers. These speakers would organize a parliamentary election of a President for a 2-year mandate. The president would then put together an inclusive government of national unity. This government would be tasked with organizing direct elections in Somalia after 2 years, in which the president elected by the Parliament would not be able to stand as a candidate. This is an unusual and innovative model which – inevitably – has its own limitations. Nevertheless, this commentary argues that the current electoral stalemate and extraordinary political circumstances require the consideration of such options. Read more
The roads to reconciliation and state formation in Galmudug have been difficult. The federal government – through the Ministry of Interior, Fed- eral Affairs, and Reconciliation – took the lead in establishing a new state for Galmudug in early 2019. It started with a 12-member social reconciliation committee that convened the 11 clans in Galmudug and helped them select the state legislators. The reconciliation of the Huurshe-Heraale conflict was a notable success of these efforts. A controversial presidential election which was boycotted by most of the candidates followed reconciliation at community levels. However, the elected president Qoorqoor led the state in a positive direction by initiating a political reconciliation process. Before his inauguration, he reached agreements with opposition politicians who had been candidates for the presidency, and former Galmudug President Haaf. ASWJ leaders left Dhusamareb after the SNA overpowered their forces. A state cabinet seen by many as being inclusive was appointed, and within a few months Galmudug saw itself playing an important role in national politics by convening conferences between FGS and FMS leaders on the subject of federal elections.
Notwithstanding these promising reconciliation efforts, the state is still fragile and the challenges it faces are numerous. Addressing the root causes of clan conflicts, managing the election of the federal MPs whose constituency is Galmudug, and security sector re- form, among many others, will define Galmudug’s future.
In partnership with Interpeace.
2020 has been a challenging but productive year for Somali Public Agenda. Despite the disruptions of the Covid-19 pandemic and other problems for Somalia this year, SPA was able to navigate through and managed to publish 16 papers in total, including reports, briefs, and commentaries. Our production was four publications higher than our 12 pieces in 2019. Of the 16 publications, 10 were commentaries, 4 were governance briefs, and 2 were research reports. Read more
The Covid-19 pandemic spread across Somalia and again exposed the fragility of public institutions. There are limited laboratories that can be used to test the Covid-19 samples. The number of samples tested was minimal in number, and the positive, recovered, and death numbers reported likely do not reflect the actual number of people who contracted the virus and the actual deaths from the coronavirus. The national Covid-19 response was understandably minimal, and was/is only limited to Mogadishu, the seats of regional states, and few other major towns. Although some governance measures were employed by the federal government and federal member states, these measures were poorly enforced due to the weak enforcement capacity of public institutions. There have been some financial and in-kind support to Covid-19 response, but transparency and accountability mechanisms relating to how these resources have been used are not clear. The Covid-19 pandemic became one among many pressing priorities for the recovering public sector institutions in Somalia, and one key lesson from the pandemic relates to the need for investment in both governing institutions and the delivery of public services. The pandemic may come to an end, but it could inspire leaders to invest more in increasing access to and quality of public services in Somalia.
Cudurka safmareenka ee Covid-19 wuxuu ku faafay Soomaaliya oo dhan wuxuuna mar kale kashifay jilicsanaanta hay’adaha dowliga ah. Waxaa jira shaybaarro yar oo loo isticmaali karo in lagu baaro cudurka Covid-19. Tirada dadka la baaray ayaa tiro ahaan aad u yaraa, tirada laga helay, iyo tirada dhimashada ee la soo sheegay waxay u egtahay inaysan ka tarjumaynin tirada dhabta ah ee dadka uu ku dhacay fayraska iyo dhimashada dhabta ah ee uu sababay coronavirus. Guddiga heer Qaran ee Covid-19 tamartiisu waxay ahayd mid aad u yar, kaliyana ku eg Muqdisho, caasimadaha dowlad-goboleedyada iyo magaalooyin kale oo waaweyn. Inkastoo dhowr tallaabo oo maamul ay ku dhawaaqeen dowladda dhexe iyo dowladaha xubnaha ka ah federaalka, haddana tallaabooyinkan si liidata ayaa loo dhaqan geliyey sababtoo ah awoodda fulinta ee hay’adaha dowladda ayaa daciif ah. Waxaa jiray xoogaa taageero maaliyadeed iyo mid agab ah oo loogu tala galay la tacalida xaladda Covid-19, balse daahfurnaan badan ma jirin qaabka islaxisaabtankana ma ahayn mid cadaynaya sida wax loo isticmaalay. COVID-19 wuxuu noqday mid kamid ah arrimaha culus ee mudnaanta ay siiyeen hay’adaha dowliga ah ee Soomaaliya. Hal cashar oo muhiim ah oo laga bartay musiibada ayaa la xiriirta baahida loo qabo dhisidda hay’adaha dowliga ah iyo gaarsiinta adeegyada bulshada. Aafada waa lasoo afjari karaa, laakiin waxay ku dhiirigelin kartaa hoggaamiyeyaasha inay maalgeliyaan kordhinta helitaanka iyo tayada adeegyada bulshada ee Soomaaliya.
When Somali Public Agenda was established in early 2018, it had a unique methodology. The approach combined research, public service design, and training on governance and service delivery issues in Somalia.
The three portfolios are interconnected. As can be seen on the website, SPA research focuses on seven thematic areas namely decentralization, public bureaucracy, and local administration; democratization and elections; financial governance; security, justice, and rule of law; urban planning and land administration; employment; and, education system and health services. Read more
On Thursday, 20 August 2020, the president of Somalia, leaders of 3 federal member states (Galmudug, South West, and Hirshabelle), and the governor of Benadir region agreed and signed a new election model dubbed the ‘Electoral Constituency Caucuses’. The agreement was reached after a series of talks held in Dhusamareb, the capital city of Galmudug. At the conclusion of the previous Dhusamareb (2) conference, a joint technical committee from the federal government and federal member states was proposed with the mandate to explore electoral models and present options to the leaders of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and Federal Member States (FMS) in a third Dhusamareb meeting, which was slated for 15th August. After meetings in Mogadishu and Dhusamareb, the technical committee proposed 3 models, one of which the leaders had to settle on. Read more