Puntland Democratization: Process, Challenges and Ways Forward

There are opportunities and challenges associated with the Puntland democratization process, and important lessons that can be learnt from this exercise. Some of the key lessons include the inclusion of internally displaced people (IDPs) in the registration drive, the positive role of traditional elders (even when transitioning to full democracy and direct elections), the importance of initiating registration of persons at the Federal Member States level, and the encouraging experience of bottom-up registration of voters in Somalia.

This report proposes recommendations to different actors that, if implemented and considered by the stakeholders in the Puntland democratization process, could go a long way in enhancing and improving the transparency and quality of Puntland’s Local Government’s Elections and the democratization process as a whole. The recommendations include: that the Puntland government maintains its political commitment, which is crucial for the accomplishment of universal suffrage; that TPEC should keep up the momentum and avoid any conflict of interest going forward; that political associations must include women and youth in their organizational structures, and that they should offer alternative leadership and constructive criticism in theircampaigning and selling of their political agenda. Puntland civil society is encouraged to speed up and launch a coordinated awareness exercise in order to bridge the information gap. On the other hand, the study recommends other Federal Member States of Somalia to take the democratization process of Puntland as a benchmark and learn best practices from each other. The international partners should continue the goodwill and technical and financial support they have offered to Puntland’s democratization process.

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Waxaa jira fursado iyo caqabado la xiriira geeddi-socodka dimuqraadiyeynta Puntland, iyo casharro muhiim ah oo laga baran karo howlaha doorashooyinka dowladaha hoose. Casharrada muhiimka ah waxaa kamid ah in dadka gudaha ku barakacay lagu daro diiwaangelinta, doorka wanaagsan ee odayaasha dhaqanka, muhiimadda ay leedahay in laga billaabo diiwaangelinta dadka heerka Dowladaha xubnaha ka ah Dowladda Federaalka, iyo waayo-aragnimada dhiirri-gelinta leh ee diiwaan-gelinta cod-bixiyeyaasha Soomaaliya.

Warbixintani waxay usoo jeedinaysaa talooyin daneeyeyaasha kala duwan, kuwaasoo haddii ay tixgeliyaan, wax weyn ka tari karta sare-u-qaadista iyo hagaajinta daahfurnaanta iyo tayada Doorashooyinka Dowladaha Hoose ee Puntland iyo geedi-socodka dimuqraadiyadda guud ahaan. Talooyinka waxaa kamid ah: in dowladda Puntland ay sii joogteyso ka go’naanshaheeda siyaasadeed, taasoo muhiim u ah dhammaystirka doorashada; in TPEC ay sii waddo dardar- gelinta howlaha doorashada oo ay ka fogaato wax kasta oo carqaladeyn kara shaqada ama muujin kara eex iyo dano gaar ah; in ururrada siyaasadeed ay muhiim tahay inay ku daraan haweenka iyo dhalinyarada qaab-dhismeedkooda urur, iyo inay soo bandhigaan hoggaamin iyo dhaliil wax dhiseysa marka ay ololeynayaan ama iibinayaan ajendayaashooda siyaasadeed. Bulshada rayidka ah ee Puntland waxaa lagu dhiirrigelinayaa in ay dardar geliyaan oo ay billaabaan wacyi-gelin isku-dhafan si loo yareeyo baahida weyn ee loo qabo macluumaadka doorashada. Dhinaca kale, daraasaddu waxay ku talinaysaa Dowladaha kale ee xubnaha ka ah Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya inay halbeeg ka dhigtaan hannaanka dimuqraadiyadda Puntland oo ay ka qaataan tijaabooyinka ugu wanaagsan ee lagu guuleystay. Saaxiibada caalamku iyaguna waa inay sii wadaan taageerada farsamo iyo maaliyadeed ee ay ku taageeraan geeddi-socodka dimuqraadiyadda Puntland.

Soo rogo warbixinta oo dhameystiran

Fiscal Federalism in Somalia: Constitutional Ambiguity, Political Economy and Options for a Workable Arrangement

Somalia adopted a federal system in 2004 when the Transitional Federal Charter was adopted in Kenya. Since then, it has evolved into a provisional constitution, which was temporarily approved by the over 800-member constitutional assembly in Mogadishu in 2012. The devolution of power has exposed Somalia to recurrent disputes between the FGS and its constituent units over power and resource distribution. At the heart of a bitter and draining schism and bone of contention between the levels of government is fiscal federalism. This results from ambiguity inherent in the Somalia Provisional Constitution over this and other crucial matters. As this problem grows, this study sheds light on the state of fiscal federalism in Somalia, and the challenges that stand in the way of a workable agreement. However, it also proposes practical models and recommendations in resolving the existing disputes over fiscal federalism.

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Galmudug Reconciliation: Processes, Challenges, and Opportunities Ahead

The roads to reconciliation and state formation in Galmudug have been difficult. The federal government – through the Ministry of Interior, Fed- eral Affairs, and Reconciliation – took the lead in establishing a new state for Galmudug in early 2019. It started with a 12-member social reconciliation committee that convened the 11 clans in Galmudug and helped them select the state legislators. The reconciliation of the Huurshe-Heraale conflict was a notable success of these efforts. A controversial presidential election which was boycotted by most of the candidates followed reconciliation at community levels. However, the elected president Qoorqoor led the state in a positive direction by initiating a political reconciliation process. Before his inauguration, he reached agreements with opposition politicians who had been candidates for the presidency, and former Galmudug President Haaf. ASWJ leaders left Dhusamareb after the SNA overpowered their forces. A state cabinet seen by many as being inclusive was appointed, and within a few months Galmudug saw itself playing an important role in national politics by convening conferences between FGS and FMS leaders on the subject of federal elections.

Notwithstanding these promising reconciliation efforts, the state is still fragile and the challenges it faces are numerous. Addressing the root causes of clan conflicts, managing the election of the federal MPs whose constituency is Galmudug, and security sector re- form, among many others, will define Galmudug’s future.

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In partnership with Interpeace.

Evaluating the Governance of the Covid-19 Response in Somalia: A Call for Inclusive and Transparent Decision-making

The Covid-19 pandemic spread across Somalia and again exposed the fragility of public institutions. There are limited laboratories that can be used to test the Covid-19 samples. The number of samples tested was minimal in number, and the positive, recovered, and death numbers reported likely do not reflect the actual number of people who contracted the virus and the actual deaths from the coronavirus. The national Covid-19 response was understandably minimal, and was/is only limited to Mogadishu, the seats of regional states, and few other major towns. Although some governance measures were employed by the federal government and federal member states, these measures were poorly enforced due to the weak enforcement capacity of public institutions. There have been some financial and in-kind support to Covid-19 response, but transparency and accountability mechanisms relating to how these resources have been used are not clear. The Covid-19 pandemic became one among many pressing priorities for the recovering public sector institutions in Somalia, and one key lesson from the pandemic relates to the need for investment in both governing institutions and the delivery of public services. The pandemic may come to an end, but it could inspire leaders to invest more in increasing access to and quality of public services in Somalia.

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Cudurka safmareenka ee Covid-19 wuxuu ku faafay Soomaaliya oo dhan wuxuuna mar kale kashifay jilicsanaanta hay’adaha dowliga ah. Waxaa jira shaybaarro yar oo loo isticmaali karo in lagu baaro cudurka Covid-19. Tirada dadka la baaray ayaa tiro ahaan aad u yaraa, tirada laga helay, iyo tirada dhimashada ee la soo sheegay waxay u egtahay inaysan ka tarjumaynin tirada dhabta ah ee dadka uu ku dhacay fayraska iyo dhimashada dhabta ah ee uu sababay coronavirus. Guddiga heer Qaran ee Covid-19 tamartiisu waxay ahayd mid aad u yar,  kaliyana ku eg Muqdisho, caasimadaha dowlad-goboleedyada iyo magaalooyin kale oo waaweyn. Inkastoo dhowr tallaabo oo maamul ay ku dhawaaqeen dowladda dhexe iyo dowladaha xubnaha ka ah federaalka, haddana tallaabooyinkan si liidata ayaa loo dhaqan geliyey sababtoo ah awoodda fulinta ee hay’adaha dowladda ayaa daciif ah. Waxaa jiray xoogaa taageero maaliyadeed iyo mid agab ah oo loogu tala galay la tacalida xaladda Covid-19, balse daahfurnaan badan ma jirin qaabka islaxisaabtankana ma ahayn mid cadaynaya sida wax loo isticmaalay. COVID-19  wuxuu noqday mid kamid ah arrimaha culus ee mudnaanta ay siiyeen hay’adaha dowliga ah ee Soomaaliya. Hal cashar oo muhiim ah oo laga bartay musiibada ayaa la xiriirta baahida loo qabo dhisidda hay’adaha dowliga ah iyo gaarsiinta adeegyada bulshada. Aafada waa lasoo afjari karaa, laakiin waxay ku dhiirigelin kartaa hoggaamiyeyaasha inay maalgeliyaan kordhinta helitaanka iyo tayada adeegyada bulshada ee Soomaaliya.

Soo rogo warbixinta oo dhameystiran

 

Inclusion, Accountability, and Protection: Analysis on the 2019 Flood Response in Hiiraan

The findings of the radio discussions reveal that there were a number of things that went wrong in the 2019 flood response. First, there was no reliable data on the number of people displaced by the flooding, and where the locations from and to which they were displaced. This led to the irregular distribution of emergency relief. Second, some local committees and individuals responsible for the distribution of the majority of the emergency relief that people experienced used clan criteria for the selection of beneficiaries, which excluded important segments of the society such as the IDPs, people with disabilities, and women. Third, there was disorganization among the multiple actors who were distributing aid. As a result, some families and individuals received food and cash several times while others did not receive any relief. Fourth, there was a lack of awareness among both local people and volunteer responders of the physical risks presented by the flooded terrain. As a result, some people died in the water. Finally, there were no institutions or mechanisms formed before the flooding to handle the response. This led to disorganized multiple actors distributing aid based on the criteria they set themselves or directed by the groups that sent the assistance.

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