Protecting stability and inclusivity in Somalia’s indirect election process

Protecting progress that has already been made in Somalia’s post-conflict transition should be the main priority of the upcoming electoral process. Significantly, Somalis have already achieved agreement on the main aspects of the process through intensive dialogue, which represents a major hurdle that has been negotiated. As well as this, the elections can also help to further expand participation and representation in Somalia’s political structures, which would be another step forward—albeit small—in Somalia’s post-conflict trajectory.

These successes are not yet guaranteed. The process comes at the tail-end of a period of heightened political tensions in Somalia, between the FGS and some federal member states, notably Jubaland and Puntland, as well as between the FGS and opposition politicians. The agreement struck in September is fragile, and, in the absence of trust, the contentious issues outlined above may derail the process. There is a high chance that the elections become protracted and contested, increasing the likelihood that the result is disputed.

These are worst-case scenarios and are avoidable if the spirit of consensus reached in September amongst the Somali political leadership can be revitalized and deepened. Constant political dialogue between Somali leaders from different sides of the spectrum on the issues outlined here is essential to build trust, relationships and channels of communication that can be the basis for a credible process, and mediation of political differences. This might take place in the form of a monthly meeting of political leaders whilst the election campaign is underway, as well as regular meetings or conference calls between technical advisors from the different groups.

What Lessons can be Learned from Somalia’s 2016 Indirect Elections?

Somalia is heading into another indirect election in 2020-21. It is a familiar process and one that was undertaken almost four years ago. Many lessons can be learned from the 2016 indirect electoral implementation process. In 2016, candidates for the House of the People of Somali Federal Parliament covered some important logistics, travel and accommodation costs for the electoral delegates (which in part is believed to have helped them get elected); there was no scheduled time for meetings between candidates and the voting delegates; and the date and time for voting of each seat of the House of the People was unilaterally decided by the state election implementation teams. In 2016, the proportion of women in parliament was increased from 14% to 24%, which was a significant increase. This was one of the positives of the 2016 indirect elections and similar efforts could be made this time around to raise this to the 30% female quota target. This brief analyses the implementation process of the 2016 indirect elections and concludes with policy considerations. These include: prohibiting  candidates to handpick electoral delegates; providing the necessary logistical and accommodation support to the delegates on time; arranging a formal campaign  schedule for voters and candidates; publishing the election schedule for each seat of the House of the People in advance; allowing the media and election observers to be present during the voting, and monitoring and reporting irregularities and fraudulent practices throughout the election process.

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Soomaaliya waxa ay galeysaa doorasho dadban mar labaad sanadka 2020-21. Waa hannaan la yaqaanno oo la qabtay ku dhowaad afar sano kahor. Casharro badan ayaa laga baran karaa geeddi-socodkii hirgelinta doorashooyinkii dadbanaa ee 2016. Sanadkii 2016, qaar kamid ah musharraxiinta Golaha Shacabka ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa bixiyey kharashaadka saadka sida safarka iyo hoyga loogu talagalay ergooyinka doorashada (taasoo qeyb ahaan la rumeysan yahay inay ka caawisay doorashadooda); ma jirin wakhti loo qorsheeyey kulamada musharraxiinta iyo ergooyinka; taariikhda iyo wakhtiga loo codeynayo kursi kasta oo kamid ah Golaha Shacabka waxaa go’aamiyay hal dhinac oo ah kooxaha fulinaya doorashooyinka. Sanadkii 2016, qoondada haweenka ee baarlamaanka ayaa oo markii hore ahaa 14% ayaa laga dhigay 24%, taasoo ahayd koror aad u weyn. Tani waxa ay ahayd mid kamid ah waxyaabihii wanaagsanaa ee kasoo baxay doorashadii dadbanayd ee 2016; dadaallada noocan oo kale ah ayaa sidoo kale la samayn karaa markan si sare loogu qaado saamiga lana gaarsiiyo hiigsiga qoondada haweenka ee ah 30%. Faalladan kooban waxaa uu falanqeynayaa hannaankii hirgelinta doorashooyinkii dadbanaa ee 2016, waxaana uu soo jeedinayaa talooyin tixgelin mudan oo ay kamid yihiin: ka mamnuucidda musharixiinta in ay gacan ku yeeshaan xulista ergooyinka doorashada; in wakhtigeeda lagu bixiyo saadka loo baahan yahay iyo hoyga ergada; diyaarinta jadwalka ololaha rasmiga ah ee cod-bixiyeyaasha iyo musharraxiinta; daabacaadda jadwalka doorashada ee kursi kasta xilli hore; u oggolaanshaha warbaahinta iyo kormeerayaasha doorashada in ay goobjoog ka ahaadaan xilliga cod-bixinta, iyo la socoshada iyo soo gudbinta khaladaadka inta lagu guda jiro hannaanka doorashada.

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Evaluating the Governance of the Covid-19 Response in Somalia: A Call for Inclusive and Transparent Decision-making

The Covid-19 pandemic spread across Somalia and again exposed the fragility of public institutions. There are limited laboratories that can be used to test the Covid-19 samples. The number of samples tested was minimal in number, and the positive, recovered, and death numbers reported likely do not reflect the actual number of people who contracted the virus and the actual deaths from the coronavirus. The national Covid-19 response was understandably minimal, and was/is only limited to Mogadishu, the seats of regional states, and few other major towns. Although some governance measures were employed by the federal government and federal member states, these measures were poorly enforced due to the weak enforcement capacity of public institutions. There have been some financial and in-kind support to Covid-19 response, but transparency and accountability mechanisms relating to how these resources have been used are not clear. The Covid-19 pandemic became one among many pressing priorities for the recovering public sector institutions in Somalia, and one key lesson from the pandemic relates to the need for investment in both governing institutions and the delivery of public services. The pandemic may come to an end, but it could inspire leaders to invest more in increasing access to and quality of public services in Somalia.

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Cudurka safmareenka ee Covid-19 wuxuu ku faafay Soomaaliya oo dhan wuxuuna mar kale kashifay jilicsanaanta hay’adaha dowliga ah. Waxaa jira shaybaarro yar oo loo isticmaali karo in lagu baaro cudurka Covid-19. Tirada dadka la baaray ayaa tiro ahaan aad u yaraa, tirada laga helay, iyo tirada dhimashada ee la soo sheegay waxay u egtahay inaysan ka tarjumaynin tirada dhabta ah ee dadka uu ku dhacay fayraska iyo dhimashada dhabta ah ee uu sababay coronavirus. Guddiga heer Qaran ee Covid-19 tamartiisu waxay ahayd mid aad u yar,  kaliyana ku eg Muqdisho, caasimadaha dowlad-goboleedyada iyo magaalooyin kale oo waaweyn. Inkastoo dhowr tallaabo oo maamul ay ku dhawaaqeen dowladda dhexe iyo dowladaha xubnaha ka ah federaalka, haddana tallaabooyinkan si liidata ayaa loo dhaqan geliyey sababtoo ah awoodda fulinta ee hay’adaha dowladda ayaa daciif ah. Waxaa jiray xoogaa taageero maaliyadeed iyo mid agab ah oo loogu tala galay la tacalida xaladda Covid-19, balse daahfurnaan badan ma jirin qaabka islaxisaabtankana ma ahayn mid cadaynaya sida wax loo isticmaalay. COVID-19  wuxuu noqday mid kamid ah arrimaha culus ee mudnaanta ay siiyeen hay’adaha dowliga ah ee Soomaaliya. Hal cashar oo muhiim ah oo laga bartay musiibada ayaa la xiriirta baahida loo qabo dhisidda hay’adaha dowliga ah iyo gaarsiinta adeegyada bulshada. Aafada waa lasoo afjari karaa, laakiin waxay ku dhiirigelin kartaa hoggaamiyeyaasha inay maalgeliyaan kordhinta helitaanka iyo tayada adeegyada bulshada ee Soomaaliya.

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Examining the impact of COVID-19 on higher education in Mogadishu

Soon after the first few cases of COVID-19 were confirmed in Somalia, schools and higher education institutions were forced to close down their campuses in a bid to reduce infections. Universities explored online teaching as an alternative approach to continue teaching and learning. This governance brief explores how COVID-19 impacted the higher education sector in Mogadishu. The brief puts special emphasis on universities’ shift to online instruction; how the teaching of arts, social science as well as science, technology, engineering, and maths (STEM) disciplines are affected; issues around digital divides; financial hardships of universities; online teaching challenges; and exams integrity. The paper concludes with policy considerations including universities to invest in Edtech; observe exam integrity; and to look for other sources to reduce dependence on students’ tuition fees and maintain operations.

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Kadib markii kiisaskii ugu horreeyay ee COVID-19 laga xaqiijiyey Soomaaliya, iskuullada iyo jaamacadaha waxaa lagu qasbay in ay xiraan xarumahooda si loo yareeyo faafidda fayraska. Jaamacaduhu waxay sahminayeen waxbarista internet-ka si aanay u joogsan waxbarashada. Faalladan waxay baareysaa sida uu COVID-19 u saameeyay jaamacadaha Muqdisho. Warbixintu waxa ay si gaar ah xoogga u saareyaa u weecashada jaamacadaha ee waxbarista internet- ka; sida culuumta arts-ka, cilmiga bulshada iyo seyniska, tiknooloojiyadda, injineeriyada, iyo xisaabtu u saameeyay COVID-19; arrimaha ku saabsan u sinnaan la’aanta isticmaalka tiknooloojiyadda; dhibaatooyinka maaliyadeed ee jaamacadaha; iyo caqabadaha waxbarista internet-ka; iyo hufnaanta imtixaannada. Faalladu waxa ay ku talineysaa in jaamacaduhu maalgashadaan tiknooloojiyadda; ilaalinta hufnaanta imtixaanka; iyo in la raadiyo ilo dhaqaale kale si loo yareeyo ku tiirsanaanta jaamacadaha ee lacagaha ardeyda laga qaado.

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Inclusion, Accountability, and Protection: Analysis on the 2019 Flood Response in Hiiraan

The findings of the radio discussions reveal that there were a number of things that went wrong in the 2019 flood response. First, there was no reliable data on the number of people displaced by the flooding, and where the locations from and to which they were displaced. This led to the irregular distribution of emergency relief. Second, some local committees and individuals responsible for the distribution of the majority of the emergency relief that people experienced used clan criteria for the selection of beneficiaries, which excluded important segments of the society such as the IDPs, people with disabilities, and women. Third, there was disorganization among the multiple actors who were distributing aid. As a result, some families and individuals received food and cash several times while others did not receive any relief. Fourth, there was a lack of awareness among both local people and volunteer responders of the physical risks presented by the flooded terrain. As a result, some people died in the water. Finally, there were no institutions or mechanisms formed before the flooding to handle the response. This led to disorganized multiple actors distributing aid based on the criteria they set themselves or directed by the groups that sent the assistance.

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The Road Ahead to Somalia’s 2021 Elections: Prospects & Challenges

This is a crucial election year for Somalia as the national parliamentary and presidential elections are scheduled to happen in late 2020 and early 2021. The national electoral law – approved by the two chambers of parliament and signed into law by the president – is currently the basis for the design and implementation of national elections. This governance brief critically analyzes the limitations of the electoral design such as the lack of definition around constituencies, the ambiguity of election to the Upper House, and the clause enabling indeterminate extension. The brief also discusses the operationalization challenges of the elections, such as designating each seat to a geographic location; the election of Somaliland representatives; the women’s quota; the rift between the center and the periphery; and insecurity. It puts forward a number of policy considerations to help address these issues.

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Sanadkan waxa uu muhiim u yahay doorashada Soomaaliya maadaama doorashada baarlamaanka iyo tan madaxweynaha la qorsheeyay inay dhacaan dhammaadka 2020 iyo horraanta 2021. Sharciga doorashooyinka qaran – oo ay dhawaan ansixiyeen labada gole ee baarlamaanka madaxweynahana saxiixay – ayaa hadda aasaas u ah hirgelinta doorashooyinka qaran. Faalladan waxay si kooban u falanqayneysaa iimaha sharciga doorashooyinka sida in aanu qeexeyn deegaan doorashooyinka, mugdiga ku jira doorashada Aqalka Sare, iyo qodobka suuragelinaya in muddo kordhin aan xaddidneyn la sameeyo. Qoraalku waxa uu sidoo kale ka hadlayaa caqabadaha ku hor gudban doorashooyinka, sida u qoondeynta kursi kasta goob cayiman; doorashada wakiilada Soomaaliland; qoondada haweenka; khilaafka u dhexeeya dowladda dhexe iyo maamul goboleedyada; iyo nabadgelyo la’aanta. Waxay warbixinta soo jeedineysaa dhowr talooyin si wax looga qabto arrimahaas.

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Land prices in Mogadishu and its impact on the urban poor and IDPs

Mogadishu is the capital city of Somalia and has the second highest urban population density of any city in the world with over 2 million people. Land, housing and property prices in Mogadishu are the highest in Somalia. The geographic location, security, investment, road infrastructure and availability of basic facilities and services determine the price of land in the city. Commercial banks, landlords, brokers, and IDPs also contribute and have different roles in the increase of land and property value. The government role is limited, and the upsurge of land prices drives (and is driven by) gentrification. Poorer communities can no longer afford to live in areas that have been gentrified and evictions of IDPs has intensified. This governance brief discusses the causes and contributors to the rise of land prices in Mogadishu and its impact on the vulnerable communities. The brief concludes with policy recommendations.

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Muqdisho waa caasimadda dalka Soomaaliya, waana magaalada labaad ee ugu cufnaanta badan magaalooyinka caalamka, iyadoo ay ku nool yihiin dad ka badan labo malyan. Qiimaha dhulka ku yaalla Muqdisho waa kan ugu qaalisan Soomaaliya. Goobta uu ku yaallo, amniga, maalgashiga, dhismaha jidadka iyo helitaanka adeegyada aasaasiga ah ayaa go’aamiya qiimaha dhulka ku yaalla magaalada. Bangiyo ganacsi, milkileyaasha guriyaha, dallaallada, iyo barakacayaasha ayaa sidoo kale ka qeyb qaata, kaalin kala duwanna ku leh, sare-u-kaca qiimaha dhulka. Kaalinta dowladda ayaa xaddidan, sare-u-kaca qiimaha dhulkana waxaa ka dhashay barabixin. Qoysaska saboolka ah awood uma laha in ay ku noolaadaan goobaha qiimaha guryaha ku yaalla qaaliyoobeen, guri ka saaridda dadka barakacayaasha ahna way sii korortey. Faalladaan kooban waxaa ay ka hadleysaa sababaha iyo waxyaabaha ka qeyb qaatey sare-u- kaca qiimaha dhulka Muqdisho iyo saameysta uu ku leedahay dadka nugul. Faalladu waxaa ay kusoo gunaanadeysaa talooyin tixgelin mudan.

Getting the party started: re-instituting political parties in Somalia

One person one vote elections are scheduled to be held in Somalia in late 2020 and early 2021. The electoral bill, despite being in a parliamentary review process, stipulates that the electoral model will be proportional representation, closed list, in a single constituency where registered voters will vote for political parties. The pivotal political parties’ law is under a pending amendment for the re-institution of long-lost multi-party politics in Somalia. The law, which consists of 38 articles and four schedules revolving around all issues relating to the regulation of modern political parties, was approved and ratified by the 9th Somali parliament and president respectively in 2016. This governance brief critically reviews the relaxed provisional party registration process, highlights the daunting challenges ahead for full party and voter registration hurdles. The brief also proposes alternative multi-party elections and puts forth policy options and recommendations.

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Doorasho qof iyo cod ah ayaa la qorsheynayaa in ay ka qabsoonto Soomaaliya dabayaaqada 2020 iyo horraanta 20201. Hindise-sharciyeedka doorashooyinka, inkastoo uu ku jiro dib-u-eegis baarlamaan, wuxuu qeexayaa in qaabka doorashadu noqon doonto metelaadda isku dheellitiran ee liiska xeran, oo ka dhaceysa hal deegaan doorasho oo ay codbixiyeyaasha diiwaangashani u codeyn doonaan xisbiyo siyaasadeed. Xeerka muhiimka ah ee xisbiyada siyaasadda oo ku jira wax-ka-beddel aan weli dhammaan ayaa nidaaminaya sidii dib loogu unki lahaa siyaasaddii ku dhisneyd xisbiyada badan ee wakhti hore meesha ka baxday. Xeerka oo ka kooban 38 qodob iyo afar jadwal oo ka hadlaya arrimaha la xiriira maamulidda xisbiyada siyaasadeed ee casriga ah, waxaa ansixiyay baarlamaankii 9-aad iyo madaxweynihii Soomaaliya ee sanadii 2016. Warbixintan waxay eegeysaa hanaanka dabacsan ee is-diiwaangelinta xisbiyada, waxay ifineysaa caqabadaha adag ee ku-hor-gudban is-diiwaangelinta dhameystiran ee xisbiyada iyo diiwaangelinta codbixiyaha. Warbixinta waxay sidoo kale soo jeedineysa xulashooyin la xiriira doorashooyinka iyo talooyin tixgelin mudan.

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Review of Somalia’s draft national election bill

The National Electoral Bill is currently under parliamentary review. Once approved, the law will be the foundation for one-person-one-vote (OPOV) national elections scheduled to take place in Somalia in late 2020 and early 2021. The bill consists of 7 chapters and 61 articles and discusses issues of electoral design, management processes, voter registration, candidate eligibility, regulations for election campaigning, voting processes and vote counting, among others. This governance brief critically reviews technical issues of election design contained in the bill, including voter registration, seat allocation, announcement of election results, dispute resolution mechanisms, independence of NIEC, and election observation. It also makes broader comment on the framework for democratic governance in Somalia (election of the President, election of the Upper House, and election delays) and puts forward options for policy consideration.

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Sharciga Doorashooyinka Qaranka waxa uu ku jiraa dib-u-eegista baarlamaan. Marka la ansixiyo, sharciga waxaa uu aasaas u noqon doonaa doorashoooyinka qaran ee qof iyo codka ah ee la qorsheynayo in ay ka dhacaan Soomaaliya dhammaadka 2020 iyo horraanta 2021. Sharcigu waxaa uu ka kooban yahay 7 cutub iyo 61 qodob, waxaa uuna ka hadlayaa arrimaha qaabeynta doorashada, hababka maamulka, diiwaangelinta cod bixiyeyaasha, musharaxnimada, ololaha doorashada, hababka cod bixinta, iyo cod tirinta. Faalladaan kooban waxa ay si faahfaahsan qiimeyn ugu sameyneysaa arrimaha farsamo ee qaabeynta doorashada ee ku jira sharciga oo ay ka mid yihiin diiwaan gelinta cod bixiyeyaasha, qoondeynta kuraasta, ku dhawaaqista natiijooyinka doorashada, xallinta murannada, madaxbannaanida Guddiga Madaxa-bannaan ee Doorashooyinka Qaranka iyo kormeerka doorashada. Waxaa ay sidoo kale faalladan falanqeyneysaa qaabdhismeedka maamul dimuqraadi ah ee Soomaaliya ka hanaqaada (doorashada madaxweynaha, doorashada Aqalka Sare iyo dib-u-dhaca doorashada). Waxa ay warbixintu soo jeedineysaa talooyin tixgelin mudan.

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Division of powers and responsibilities in a federal Somalia

Somalia adopted a federal system of governance in 2004, although the formation of regional states only began in 2013. Four states have been formed under the auspices of the provisional constitution, in which the separation of executive powers and responsibilities between the different tiers of government remains unclear. Amidst this state of constitutional ambiguity, power struggles between the federal government and regional states have been – and remain – persistent. The constitutional review commissions reviewed the power-sharing options and presented scenarios to the parliament in 2016, but they have yet to be adopted and offer only a limited solution. In response to this protracted absence of a clarified governance structure, this brief presents new options to distribute powers and responsibilities to the different levels of government.

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Soomaaliya waxa ay qaadatay nidaam federaal sanadkii 2004, balse dhismaha maamul goboleedyadu waxa ay bilowdeen 2013. Afar maamul goboleed ayaa la dhisay iyadoo dastuurka kumeelgaarka ah aanu si wanaagsan u kala saareynin awoodaha fulinta ee heerarka kala duwan ee dowladdu leeyihiin. Maadaama dastuurku aanu kala caddeyn awoodaha, hardanka awoodeed ee u dhexeeya dowladda federaalka iyo maamul goboleedyada waxa uu ahaa welina yahay mid joogto ah. Guddiyada dib-u-eegista dastuurka waxa ay dib-u-eegis ku sameeyeen awood qeybsiga waxana ay talooyin u gudbiyeen baarlamaanka sanadkii 2016, laakiin talooyinkoodii weli lama qaadanin. Maadaama hannaanka awood qeybsigu aanu caddeyn, warbixintan waxa ay soo jeedineynaa talooyin cusub ee la xiriira sida awoodaha iyo masuuliyadaha loogu qeybin karo heerarka kala duwan ee dowladda.

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